(First part of the series)
This month (November) marks five years of the submission of the Sachar Committee Report, which was commissioned by the Prime Minister Manmohan Singh to prepare a report on the latest social, economic and educational condition of the Muslim community of India. On 17th of November 2006, the Sachar report was presented to the PM Manmohan Singh and on 30th of November, the same year it was submitted in the Parliament.
To mainstream Muslims and ensure equity and equality of opportunities to them in residential, work and educational sector, the Committee had proposed multiple suggestions to be adopted, with a suitable mechanism.
Talking about the impact of the Sachar Report, needless to say, that the report radically altered several things. First of all, it was the first ever strong official confirmation of the socio-economic backwardness of Muslims in India. The report said that even after more than sixty years since India’s independence, Muslims, the second majority community in the country, are more backward than even SC/ST in some areas. Along with this confirmation, came the exposure of the myth of “minority appeasement” which the BJP and Hindu Right have been propagating since ages.
But the biggest turn, which the Sachar report brought was that it changed the paradigms of Muslim politics in India in politics and in real politicks as well. On the one hand, if it was the master stroke of the Congress led UPA, which delivered party the Muslim votes; on the other, Sachar report provided the community with a strong proof and reason to ask for the government intervention in the form of affirmative actions including reservation to the backward members of the community.
Even though the UPA announced several times that it had “in principle” accepted the recommendations of the Sachar Committee, the last five years journey for the report is marked by pressure and delay tactics as well as negotiations between the community and the UPA to get Sachar’s recommendations implemented on the ground, at state and central levels.
There were several prominent consequential steps taken by the government to show that it was taking the Sachar report seriously. Even though it happened few months earlier but no body can underestimate the symbolism of it; for the first time in the history of Independent India, a separate ministry, Ministry of Minority Affairs (MMA) was established just to look after the welfare of minorities of the country in 2006-, the same year in which Justice Rajendar Sachar submitted his report. Its total budget for 2011-12 is Rs 2830 crore.
Several programmes and schemes were launched like marking every district with at least 25% of Muslim population as the Minority Concentrated Districts (MCDs) and inclusion of MCDs into Multi-sectoral Developmental Plans (MSDP), pre and post-Matric scholarship schemes, and establishment of National Minorities Development and Finance Corporation (NMDFC).
But most important of all the schemes, was the PM’s 15 Point Programme for minorities which launched minorities targeted schemes to enhance opportunities for education, ensure equitable share in economic activities and employment, improve the conditions of living of minorities and finally prevent and control communal riots.
In spite of all the tall claims made by the Minority Affairs Minister, Salman Khursheed about the allocation of several thousands of crores for the above mentioned schemes, there is quite a palpable anger and anguish in the community which thinks that the money is not reaching to the people on the ground. Even after passing of five years, the community is still protesting and demanding from the government to take Sachar recommendations seriously.
In order to mark the fifth anniversary of Sachar report TwoCircles.net (popularly called as TCN) has started a series, “Muslims after 5 years of Sachar Report” which, will try to investigate and analyze the performance of all the above mentioned schemes, started as a consequence of the Sachar report. It will also update readers about the status of all the recommendations of the Sachar report, taking them separately one by one.
The focus of the series will be to find out who benefited most out of the Sachar Report, politicians or the common Muslim on the street, and how much, and what exactly has happened when it comes to Sachar recommendations.
Through a series of article, reports, interviews with experts and common Muslims on the street, TCN will try capture the diverse opinion of the community on Sachar report, brining out the debates around Sachar. TCN reporters will report from the ground about the effectiveness and penetration of the above mentioned schemes through stories spread over coming one month.
If you have got any interesting view or instance to share which reflects the performance of above mentioned schemes schemes, you are welcome to comment below this article or send it to us on email@example.com, so that a meaningful debate can be done on this issue.
How AMU Alumni Can Help Out the Sachar Report?
By Tanvir Salim
(Second part of the series)
The report by the Justice Rajinder Sachar Committee on the social, economic and educational status of Muslims across the country was presented to the Indian Parliament in November, 2006. It may have been an eye-opener to many, but for those among us who are aware of the conditions of Indian Muslims; its contents had nothing new to say. Muslims in India rank today among the most backward communities in terms of their economic, social and educational status. By some measures based on economic and social factors they are far behind the Dalits, the erstwhile "untouchables", who were not even, granted a place in the Hindu caste hierarchy.
Muslims account for more than 13% of India's population, yet they make up only 1.7% of the undergraduate-class in the seven Indian Institutes of Technology, India's version of a 'technology Ivy League'.
This underrepresentation is seen elsewhere too. Among the nation's bureaucratic elite, Muslims comprise 3% of the staff in the Indian Administrative Service, and only 1.8% in the diplomatic corps.
It is an acknowledged fact now that Muslims, after living for sixty years in independent India, have been pushed to the bottom of the barrel. This has happened despite the fact that the country's constitution has guaranteed equal opportunity to all citizens and is obligated to prevent discrimination on the basis of religion, caste and creed. Today, when India is vying to become the next superpower, the dilemma faced by Muslims, is that they have no significant role to play in the glory days of the nation that lie ahead. The Sachar Committee report simply tells us that we are not even on the team. So what should be the next step to correct this problem?
The committee's recommendations are encouraging, but there is no guarantee that they will be implemented, and even if they are, those won’t be enough to move Muslims up to the next level. We should take steps on our own to ensure that these recommendations are followed upon. We have to seek control of our own destiny. Many initiatives need to be taken and should be undertaken by all who agree to the Sachar report and its proposals on the plight of the Muslims.
Because of its past achievements, and future possibilities, Aligarh Muslim University (AMU) and its alumni can play a pivotal role in having the Sachar Committee's recommendations acted upon. AMU as a university, and its alumni, could well move ahead with such an agenda, care must be taken in their approaches, which would most likely be different towards achieving the same goal.
The premises and intellectual infrastructure of AMU should not be turned into the de-facto platform to raise such issues. AMU is an educational institution and therefore should remain a centre for learning. The time demands it to adhere well to the methodologies that could turn it into a premier university. And so the effort to get the recommendations implemented should be initiated off the campus, by the well-wishers and alumni of AMU.
In no way we want AMU to be hijacked by self seekers, who in the pretext of taking up the Sachar Committee's proposals would only aim at furthering their individual causes.
The AMU alumni have generally done well throughout the world. But it is sad to say, barring some exceptions, there are not many among them powerful enough to effect major changes. It is indeed a problem, but fortunately, the core of the problem hints of the solution.
Most of the AMU alumni are generally on the second tier when it comes to leadership responsibilities. The reasons for this are obvious. Due to the Muslim community being deprived in so many ways to begin with, AMU doesn't get to admit the top scholars. And to add to it there are not so many of them available among the Muslims, but only a few who are snapped up by the elite Indian educational institutions. This creates a challenge to begin with at the supply-line of Muslim scholars.
Therefore the first step should be to create an infrastructure, at the ground-level, so that an improvement in the quality of the Muslim college entrants is ensured. We should work at the lower planes, such as in the "Mohallas", to improve the quality of "what goes in", so that "what comes out" at the later stage is even better. Only such acts could ensure an uplifting of the community in the broadest sense.
We will have to cherry-pick from the very micro level, in order to spot the brightest and smartest. Going by the axiom that "it takes a whole village to raise a child", the AMU Alumni, as denizens of that "village", should thus work on raising a few of those "children", who will then have the opportunity to be another Dr. Abdul Kalam, the former president of India.
We don't have to, nor should we wait for the government to implement what is in the Sachar Committee Report. From time to time, especially during election periods, the government will do its part. But that will be too late, and probably not enough. We should take our destiny in our hands, so that in future there is no need for specifically appointed committees to study the conditions of Muslims in independent and secular India.
Indian Muslims have spread all over the world. We have to pool our resources and work with a common focus towards the micro and macro-level objectives outlined above. Here in the United States, various alumni associations are working towards such goals. It wouldn’t be out of place to mention that the Aligarh Alumni Association of New England has acknowledged the proposals of Sachar Committee Report, and is in the forefront contributing towards the feeder-level, which I believe could be defined as the ground-level or the starting-block. We need others to follow suit. Let the good work begin.
(Tanvir Salim is a Nuclear Engineer by education and training and is presently settled in the United States. He is also the Patron of Ashfaq Husain Ansari Memorial Society in Gorakhpur, India. Can be reached at www.tanvirsalim.com)
Post-Sachar Andhra: An assessment
By Mohd Ismail Khan
(Third part of the series)
Hyderabad: The start of implementation of Rajindar Sachar Committee recommendations here was apparently full of blood and emotion but as the time passed this all fizzled out. It has been 5 years now since the committee submitted its report on the socio-economic conditions of Muslims in India. But like any other state, Andhra Pradesh too has not much to show the honest implementation of the report. Today, minority scholarship schemes have lost charm, Andhra Pradesh State Minorities Finance Corporation Ltd. has not much fund to offer loans to minority people, and the much publicized Muslim quota is still stuck in legal tangle.
Commencement of Sachar Report
The pathetic state of Muslims was already known to most, but Justice Sachar through his report made it official. The Congress-led UPA government at the centre pledged to implement its recommendations as part of their election promise, so did the Congress government in Andhra Pradesh which had come to power in 2004 in a landslide victory with complete support from the Muslims.
United Muslim Action Committee (UMAC), a conglomeration of various political and cultural organizations, campaigned for the Congress in the 2004 elections, as it promised to improve the socio-economic conditions of Muslims in the state.
After the submission of Sachar report in November 2006, Andhra Pradesh was the first state in India which acted quickly in implementing its measures under the leadership of chief minister Y.S. Rajshekar Reddy in 2007.
As the first step, Andhra Pradesh government started giving scholarships to the Muslim students applying for professional courses. In the upcoming years the scholarship list was made even broader by including Muslims in both pre-matric and post-matric courses. It became a huge success in the state as it enabled even the poorest Muslims here to pursue with their higher studies. It was the first time in the history of the state that scholarships were given to the Muslims according to their economic background.
Andhra Pradesh State Minorities Finance Corporation Ltd. (APMFC) was given the duty to deal with the fee reimbursement and the scholarships. Their performance after a year was assessed to be exceptionally well, they even evolved to the online service for their respective functions; the first of its kind in the whole nation, thus winning the e-world award for the last year.
The scheme though had many loopholes. It turned out to be a huge burden on the exchequer, every year the number of targeted students meritorious to the scholarship went raising. There were allegations regarding the faulty procedure for the application, many wealthy Muslim students started applying for the scholarships forging income certificates, with the intention of making pocket money.
Income certificate was the document which every student applying for the scholarship had to submit every year. On the basis of the document the scholarship was decided, one needed to have his/her family’s income below 100,000 to be eligible for the scholarship. There were rampant corruptions in every Mandal revenue office providing ample opportunities to make false income certificate, thus increasing the number of applicants every year.
Faulty procedure did disservice to the poor
This forced the government to put hurdles in the scheme, like the latest one was the age limit; government had to put an age restrictions of 20 years for the intermediate students and 24 years for the under graduates. This was to decrease the number of applicants, in this way the real beneficiaries -- the poor Muslims often missed out on a chance.
Muslims students who are staying in the hostels are often denied with accommodation expenses reimbursement, whereas students from the SC, ST and OBC backgrounds are benefitted. And more over Andhra Pradesh MFC is pre-occupied by the duties of scholarship management and so it is unable to pay much attention to its other essential functions like financial assistance to the minorities, disbursement of loans etc.
Andhra Pradesh State Minorities Finance Corporation Ltd. – a failure
In the last five years there has been a dismal performance by the APSMFC in reaching out to poor Muslims and rendering financial assistance to enable them to stand on their own feet. Many critics had pointed out that APSMFC had given up its core functions like providing financial assistance to the poor Muslims and has turned into an agency, merely meant for carrying out scholarship disbursement and fees reimbursement.
Out of the budget of 301 crore for this fiscal year, almost 90.5% of the budgetary allocation of 244.9 crore of the corporation is allocated to educational schemes and a mere 56.1 crore is left over for economic assistance to the Muslims, for one complete year. The congress government had increased the minority allocation from 27 crore in 2004 to 301 crore in 2011, but the government allocation to the tribal’s is nearly 1,100 crore in 2011. The minorities share in the state budget is merely 0.23% and this indeed is a major reason for the dismal performance of the APSMFC, as it lacks adequate funds from government.
According to 2011 census the population of Muslims is 78 lakhs, 9.8% of the total population of the state. Nearly 70% of the Muslims in the state lives below the poverty line and most of them are self-employed in the unorganized and informal sector of the economy, and as the APSMFC was not providing any worth full scheme to help them, they are reaching banks which hardly heard and met their needs.
National Minorities Development and Finance Corporation (NMDFC) has stopped sanctioning loans and funds to APSMFC, as the government decided not to implement loans through the state run corporation, since the 2008-09 fiscal year. So APSMFC is no longer a state channelizing agency for NMDFC loans. This closed the doors for the NMDFC to sanction loans to the state minorities.
APSMFC has also stopped implementing schemes such as Minority Artisans’ Development Scheme (MADS), micro-credit to self help groups through banks, and development of minority women in urban and rural areas, for which state government had to provide assistance. APSMFC had even failed in providing subsidy schemes, the government allocated Rs 9 crore in 2008-09 to extend subsidy to 7,200 persons but the corporation assisted only 2,667 beneficiaries, with subsidy outlay of Rs 3.75 crore.
In 2009-10 the government reduced the allocation amount to Rs 4 crore and the target was 1,800 persons but the corporation could assist only 750 beneficiaries even after extending the subsidiary to Rs 75lakh. Again in 2010-2011 the government allocated Rs 5.25 crore to extend subsidiary benefits to 3,500 persons but the corporation only spent Rs 2.62 crore and assisted 1,742 beneficiaries. In the current financial year the allocation is 8.7 crore, aimed at assisting 5,750 persons but the corporation sanctioned only 123 applications with subsidy component of 25 lakhs, from April to July 2011.
Banks reluctant in providing loans to minorities
The banks in AP have been reluctant in providing loans to the minorities, thus ignoring the R.B.I directives, which emphasises on ensuring 15% credit flow to all priority sectors, sanctioning loans to the minorities.
Now with even the APSMFC turning out to be a failure in providing loan to them, they are approaching private money lenders and often pay high interests on smaller loans. This indeed is making Muslims in the state, fragile to economic liquidity. There is an urgent need that government should increase the budgetary allocation of the APSMFC, and a separate budget should be provided for the financial assistance of the minorities, so that APSMFC could survive and carry out its functions.
Muslim quota stuck in legal tangle
The 4% reservation to the economically backward Muslims is the biggest achievement of the state government so far in implementing Sachar recommendations. But this meagre reservation too faced many challenges for survival since its inception. A P government first brought an order in 2006 providing 5% reservation to the backward Muslims as per their election promise, but the high court quashed the order and advised the state government to reconstitute the backward class commission, besides the court directed them to conduct a detailed survey of the Muslim population in the state.
The Government immediately appointed a commission headed by former bureaucrat P S Krishna, to identify the classes of Muslims who are eligible for reservation. In 2007 commission submitted their report and it was tabled in the assembly. Based on the report the A P State Reservation for Socially and Educationally Backward Classes of Muslims Act 2007 was passed; this provided reservation of 4% to the 14 sub sections of the community in the educational and economic fields. Muslims were put into BC (economical) category, the act excluded Muslims who have family names like Khan, Syed, Pathan, Mughal, and Sheikh.
This move from the part of government to divide Muslims in to castes and classes resulted in huge opposition from the Muslim organizations. Their contention was that, division of society into higher and lower castes is against the ethics of Islam, which is based on equality. Six leading Islamic seminaries in A P issued a fatwa against the division of Muslims on the basis of castes. The fatwa was sought by the United Muslim Action Committee (UMAC), a conglomeration of various political and cultural organizations, which had campaigned for the Congress in the 2004 elections.
In between all this controversial incidents, the right wing Hindu groups represented by T Murlidhar Rao challenged the act in the high court. The high court in its order on 8th February 2010 quashed the act saying that it violates article 14, equality before law and that the policy is unconstitutional, as reservation cannot be granted on the basis of religion. It said the data was not collected properly by the APBC for determining the social and educational backwardness of the Muslims in the state.
After the order protests erupted in the state from the part of Muslims, the government in damage control mode filed a special leave petition in the Supreme Court to appeal against the high court order. On March 25, 2010 Supreme Court stayed the high court order and asked “The government is of the view that certain sections of the Muslim community are socially and educationally backward, what is wrong in it? It is only a question as to how you identify their backwardness. There should not be any questions as to whether they are Hindus or Muslims and instead the questions should onlybe at their social and educational backwardness. They can’t be denied of their rights only because they are Muslims”.
But the Supreme Court had to refer it to the constitutional bench as it was having some important issues regarding the legal aspects. The fate of the reservation lies with the decision of the Supreme Court on the writ petition, how ever for the time being government had extended the reservations for the backward Muslims, for a period of 10 years. Reservation though provided only to those 14 Muslim categories, will be a potent tool to increase the participation of Muslims in the governance. The representation of the Muslims in the governmental bodies is only a 4%, which is far less then their actual percentage in the population.
No MCD in Andhra
At present there is no Minority Concentrated Districts (MCDs) in Andhra Pradesh, because of the limitation cap of 25% Muslim population. Because of this Muslims in the state are unable to benefit from the 15 point programmes of the prime minister, but if the limitation cap is reduced to 15% as suggested by the Minority Affairs Ministry, Andhra Pradesh will easily be having nearly 7 MCDs, thus helping thousands of Muslims to get access to social welfare schemes.
Literacy of Muslims
The literacy rate among the Muslims in the state is 70% relatively very low when compared to the general Hindu literacy rate of 90%. Literacy at metric level is 45% in Muslims and for Hindus it is 60%. The literacy rate for even higher studies among Hindus in the state is 45% whereas for Muslims it is a meagre 13%.The data shows there is a huge drop out level among Muslims after the matric level, this is primarily due to the shortage of schools and colleges in the Muslim dominated areas. There is a shortage of Urdu medium schools as well; the state only has 2252 primary schools, 378 upper primary schools and just 331 high schools in Urdu medium. This indeed is a more than enough evidence to show the pathetic condition of educational opportunity to the Muslims, in their mother tongue.
Even after five years of Sachar report, Muslims are the most deprived section in Andhra Pradesh, the monthly per capita consumption of the Muslims is 892, while for the Hindus it is 1484. Muslims in Andhra Pradesh are concentrated mostly in the urban areas and mainly urban peripheral areas. In A P urban poverty is more than rural poverty and this mainly accounts towards the presence of large numbers of Muslims in such regions. The Telangana and the Rayalseema region having good concentration of Muslim population are the least developed regions compared to Andhra region.
Another main important factor for the deprivation of Muslims lies with the lapse in protecting the Wakf land. The Wakf property in AP is estimated at around 4, 45,711 acres and is worth the value of nearly 5,000 crore. But now majority of the Wakf land in the state has gone under the control of land mafia. Wakf properties, if redeveloped and utilized properly as recommended by Sachar, could prove to be vital source for the uplift of the Muslim community.
The state government since 2006 has taken many steps to implement the recommendations of the Sachar committee. In starting years they were magnanimous and lucrative, but later they all lost their charm, because of the half hearted efforts and implementations. Andhra Pradesh had the history of being the role model as far as the development of minorities were concerned, but more could have been done for the improvement of the community, and now it has lost its position for being the ideal state to be followed. In whole it is still a too long journey for the state, to implement all recommendations of the Sachar committee.
A New Govt Report Reveals More Startling Facts about Muslims in West Bengal
This November, the Sachar Committee Report completed five years of ‘shelf life’. While some debate and more politics on its findings about socio-economic and educational condition of Muslims in the country have been on all these years, a new report has come out with more startling facts about the minority community in West Bengal.
The Centre for Studies in Social Sciences, Calcutta (CSSSC), an autonomous body equally funded by both central and West Bengal government, recently published report of its baseline household survey on the state of Muslims in 12 Minority Concentration Districts (MCDs) of West Bengal. The CSSSC had conducted the household survey in 2008, two years after the Sachar Report made public, with an aim to build on and supplement, wherever necessary, the findings of the Sachar Report to ensure overall growth and development of the MCDs.
The findings of the CSSSC survey could be categorized under the broad headings of: Basic Amenities; Education; Health; Infrastructure; Occupational conditions; Existence and Efficacy of Government Schemes. But before we go into the detail of the findings about each MCD of West Bengal, let’s have a quick look at the summary of the findings.
Summary of CSSSC findings about West Bengal Muslims
1. Most of the Muslims are far behind in literacy, education
2. Dropout rate higher among Muslims than Non-Muslims
3. Electricity, drainage, sanitation facilities less in Muslim areas than non-Muslim areas
4. Muslims are holding most of kuccha houses.
5. Indira Awas Yojana (IAY) provided home to Muslims in negligible number
6. Vocational training of Tailoring is higher among Muslims
7. Muslims need more Technical School.
8. Muslim females engaged in house more than the Non-Muslims
9. Engagement in professional work: Muslims far behind than Non-Muslim
10. Most of the public hospitals are not located in close proximities
11. Child birth at home higher among Muslims
12. Muslims not aware of government projects in village like SGSY, IAY, NREGS, Swajaldhara etc.
Survey in the MCDs
The MCDs in West Bengal are: Uttar Dinajpur, Dakshin Dinajpur, Malda, Murshidabad, Birbhum, Nadia, South 24 Parganas, North 24 Parganas, Bardhaman, Cooch Behar, Haora and Kolkata.
Household survey had not been conducted by the government in West Bengal since long. Throughout the 34 years rule of the Left Front, Muslims demanded such survey, but the state government always rejected. But after the Sachar Report uncovered the truth, the Central Government initiated to conduct the household survey in MCDs of West Bengal. CSSSC was asked to conduct the survey.
The CSSSC team was headed by renowned economist Prof Sugata Marjit while other members were Prof. Partha Chatterjee, Dr. Pranab Kumar Das, Dr. Sohel Firdos, Dr. Saibal Kar and Dr. Surajit C. Mukhopadhyay. The team also sought cooperation from several Central & State Government departments like National Sample Survey Organisation (Kolkata), Minority Affairs & Madrasah Education Department of West Bengal, West Bengal Minorities Development & Finance Corporation besides District Magistrate of each MCD.
The CSSSC survey covered 30-50 villages in each MCD as a pilot project: 30 villages of 10 blocks in Cooch Behar; 30 villages of 17 blocks in Murshidabad; 29 villages of 11 blocks in Malda; 30 villages of 7 blocks in Dakshin Dinajpur; 28 villages of 8 blocks in Uttar Dinajpur; 29 villages of 21 blocks in South 24 Parganas; 30 villages of 18 blocks in North 24 Parganas; 30 villages of 20 blocks in Bardhaman and 30 villages of16 blocks in Birbhum district.
Demography of MCDs
Murshidabad is classified as ‘A’ category district of this project for which both the sets of religion specific socio-economic and basic amenities indicators are below the respective national averages with the values being 35.4 and 17.8. Muslims share 63.72% population (as per Census 2001).
Uttar Dinajpur as Muslim minority district belongs to category ‘A’ of the MCD districts with 47.36% Muslim population and religion specific average socio-economic indicator value 29.7 and average basic indicator value 9.2. The SC and ST population of the district are 27.71% and 5.11% respectively.
Dakshin Dinajpur as Muslim minority district belongs to category ‘A’ of the MCD districts with 24.02% Muslim population and religion specific average socio-economic indicator value 44.9 and average basic indicator value 11.6.
Malda is marked as Muslim minority district and belongs to category ‘A’ of the MCD districts with 49.72% Muslim population and religion specific average indicator value 38.2% and average basic indicator value 16.2%. The minority population is roughly about 51% while the Hindus constitute 49% of the total population.
South 24 Parganas as Muslim minority district belongs to category ‘A’ of the MCD districts with 33.24% Muslim population and religion specific average socio-economic indicator value 36.6 and average basic indicator value 21.2.
North 24 Parganas as Muslim minority district belongs to category ‘B’ (sub-category B1) of the MCD districts with 24.22% Muslim population and religion specific average socio-economic indicator value 40.9 and average basic indicator value 47.2.
Birbhum as Muslim minority district and belongs to category ‘A’ of the MCD districts with 35.08% Muslim population and religion specific average socio-economic indicator value 38.7% and average basic indicator value 16.9%.
Nadia as Muslim minority district belongs to category ‘A’ of the MCD districts with 25.4% Muslim population and religion specific average socio-economic indicator
value 35.3 and average basic indicator value 24.
Haorah as Muslim minority district and belongs to category ‘B’ (subcategory B1) of the MCD districts with 24.4% Muslim population and religion specific average socio-economic indicator value 41.6 and average basic indicator value 47.4.
Cooch Behar as Muslim minority district belongs to category ‘A’ of the MCD districts with 23.34% Muslim population and religion specific average socio-economic indicator value 40.2 and average basic indicator value 10.49.
Bardhaman is a Muslim minority district for this project and belongs to category ‘A’ of the MCD districts with 20.36% Muslim population and religion specific average socio-economic indicator value 43.2% and average basic indicator value 35.52%.
Basic Amenities in MCDs
As for basic amenities, the CSSSC found Muslim households far below than those of non-Muslims. Whether you talk about in-house toilet, pucca houses or electrification, more Muslim houses have no such facilities compared to the majority community. Not only this, government schemes also bypass Muslims, like Indira Awas Yojna. More non-Muslims have got benefited from the IAY than Muslims, found the survey.
Murshidabad: Basic Amenities of Household – District Averages
Murshidabad: Among Non-Muslim sample households about 96.88 percent have ownership of houses and in case of Muslim households the number is 96.2 percent but a large number of households do not have in-house toilet facility. Pucca houses provided by IAY/Government, is roughly 2.5 percent for Non-Muslim and 2.17 percent for Muslims across district.
Some 27.74 percent of Muslim sample households have electricity connection whereas about 41.96 percent Non-Muslim sample houses are electrified. Kutcha House 55.66 of Non-Muslim and 62.71 of Muslims.
Uttar Dinajpur: The level of average electrification in the Muslim households is marginally lower at 22.1% compared to 26.67% for non-Muslim households. Once again at the village level, Bara Damodarpur, Birnakundi, Soshilapor, Narayantola, Pardha, Damdalia and Bishnupur report zero or very low percentage. 21.62% Muslim households on average have in-house toilet facilities compared to 37.38% for non-Muslim households.
Murshidabad: Housing, Ownership, Type and Value – District Average
Dakshin Dinajpur: Some 12.79% Muslim households on average have in-house toilet facilities compared to 22.41% for non-Muslim households. Percentage of houses electrified of Muslim houses higher than Non-Muslim, 33.46% for Muslim and 19.55% for Non-Muslim. But in-house Toilet position is very bad of Muslim, only 12.79% in Muslim houses and 22.41% in Non-Muslim houses. Majority of the villages have kutcha houses and although 94.76% of Muslim and 95.0% of non-Muslim households own their houses, only 3.37% of Muslim and a little higher 3.82% of Non-Muslim received it under IAY.
Malda: Pucca houses provided under the IAY, is 1.49 percent for Muslims and 2.98 percent for Non-Muslim. Kutcha House larger than Non-Muslim. Kutcha house of Muslim 73.42 percent & Non-Muslim 59.3 percent. Telephone connection 0.83percent of Muslim and 9.11percent of Non-Muslim.
South 24 Parganas: Some 46.74% Muslim households on average have in-house toilet facilities compared to 53.42% for non-Muslim households. 33.26 percent house of Muslim electrified and 40.31 percent electrified Non-Muslim Houses. Some villages are non-electrified. IAY provided house 1.98 percent to Muslim and 0.88 to Non-Muslim. Kutcha House 60.61 percent of Muslim and 46.85 percent Non-Muslim.
Murshidabad: Other Amenities of Household
North 24 Parganas: Percentage of electrified Muslim houses is 49.74 and Non-Muslim 57.82. Kutcha house percentage very close to Muslim and Non-Muslim, but Pucca houses of Muslim too lower than Non-Muslim -- 16.58 percent for Muslims and 25.89 for Non-Muslims. Muslim Motorcycle owner percentage higher than Non-Muslim. Muslim holding 6.94%, Non-Muslim 5.51%.
Birbhum: The district averages for in-house toilet facilities are 14.02% for Muslims and 15.07% for non-Muslims. Electrification of houses is very similar across communities, 28.18% for Muslims and 29.14% for non-Muslims. Muslims or non-Muslims ‘owned’ larger percentage of these houses are kutcha – 81.65% for Muslims and 79.65% for non-Muslims. The pucca houses provided under the IAY, is slightly higher for non-Muslims – 3.30 percent than the Muslims –1.22 percent.
Nadia: Some 47% Muslim households on average have in-house toilet facilities compared to 74 % on non-Muslim households. The level of average electrification in the Muslim households is appallingly low at 24 % compared to 37 % for non-Muslim households. Majority of the villages have kutcha houses and although 92% of Muslim and 97% of non-Muslim households own their houses, only 6.65 % of the former and a meager 1.55% of the latter received it under the IAY.
Haorah: The level of average electrification in the Muslim households is appallingly low at 68.28% compared to 80.99 % for non-Muslim households. Drainage facility in house of Muslim is 39.22% and Non-Muslim 48.25%. Use of LPG is very limited though it is strikingly low among the Muslim community (1.94% for Muslims as opposed to 6.99% for non-Muslims). Under the IAY Muslim houses 0.32% and Non-Muslim 0.69%.
Cooch Behar: Some 43% Muslim households on average have in-house toilet facilities compared to 53.64% for non-Muslim households. Percentage of houses electrified of Muslim 6.31% and Non-Muslim 14.61%. A mere 4.89 % of the Muslims and 4.71% of non-Muslims have received government help for construction of houses under different schemes including IAY.
Bardhaman: The level of average electrification in the Muslim households is appallingly low at 37.67% compared to 46.82 % for non-Muslim households. Kutcha houses 62.5% of Muslim and 59.66% of non-Muslim households. IAY or other poject given to Muslim 1.4% and 3.27%.
Education in MCDs
Murshidabad: In Murshidabad household survey data shows that about 43 percent of Muslim (sum of male and female) and 47 percent of Non Muslim sample population attend primary school but only about 3 percent of Muslim and 8 percent Non Muslim population completes higher secondary. About 2% of the Muslim sample households are graduates whereas 5% of the Non Muslim households have completed graduation. About 46% of Non Muslim sample population has diploma certificates in vocational education whereas no Muslim sample population holds diploma certificate. Dropout rate of Muslim too higher than Non-Muslim. Upto Primary Muslim Male dropout rate 30%, where Non-Muslim Male only 9.52%, beside this female Muslim dropout rate closed to them, Mulim female 12.5% and Non-Muslim 11.11.
Murshidabad: Level of Education – General Population (in percentage)
Uttar Dinajpur: The level of illiteracy among Muslim households that stands at 48.63% for the male and 56.84% for the female. Of the rest who are deemed literate, the percentage of below primary educated male is 21.72 and female 20.77 and the percentage steadily dwindles as one goes higher up till the secondary level (Male 3.43% and Female 1.95%). Dropout rate of Muslim upto Primary 32% (Male) and 59.26% (Female), but Non-Muslim 28.13% (Male) and 43.75 (female). Upto class Eight dropout percentage of Muslim female too high, 81.48%, but Non-Muslim only 68.75%.
Dakshin Dinajpur: Illiteracy among Muslim households that stands at 48.63% for the male and 56.84% for the female. But Non-Muslim 44.10% (male), 58.39% (female). Below primary Muslim 21.72% (male), 20.77% (female). But Non-muslim 20.90% (male), 17.99% (female). Dropout rate upto primary of Muslim 32% (male), 59.26% (female). Non-Muslim 28.13% (male), 43.75 (female).
Murshidabad: Dropout from School – Community wise District Averages
Malda: Illiteracy of Muslim women lower than Non-Muslim. Where Muslim male Illiteracy rate 50.29%, Non-Muslim 47.46%, there Muslim women Illiteracy rate 53.55, Non-Muslim women 57.91%. Dropout rate satisfactory than Non-Muslim. Upto Primary dropout rate both 33% Muslim male & female, but Non-Muslim rate 51.43% for Male and 65.22% for female. Upto class Eight Muslim male dropout rate higher than Muslim female, 77.78% (Male) & 60% (female). Beside this Non-Muslim rate 85.71% (Male) & 95.65% (female).
South 24 Parganas: Illiteracy among Muslim households that stands at 26.77 % for the male and 34.9 % for the female. Of the rest who are deemed literate, the percentage of below primary educated male is 31.88 and female 28.54 and the percentage steadily dwindles as one goes higher up till the secondary level (Male 4.04 % and Female 2.85 %). The situation is not appreciably better for non-Muslim households, where literacy level is certainly higher below primary 18.56% (Male), 28.49 (Female), but secondary school educated of male is 7.88 % and female, 6.87 %. Dropout rate on average 42.31% of Males and 42.19% of females among the Muslim upto primary and Non-Muslim 44.44% (Male) & 17.39% (female).
Murshidabad: Vocational Education – Community wise District Averages
North 24 Pargansas: Percentage of Average Motorcycle/illiteracy among Muslim households that stands at 23.1% for the male and 24.86% for the female. Of the rest who are deemed literate, the percentage of below primary educated male is 25.66 and female 24.29 and in Primary 27.39% (Male), 27.92% (Female). But in the secondary level it is lower (Male 4.13% and Female 4.88%). The situation is for non-Muslim households in secondary, where literacy level is certainly higher male is 8.96 and female, 6.48., but below primary 21.76% (Male) & 24.38% (female) and in primary 25.61% (male), 25.02 (female). Dropout rate upto primary for Muslim 15.22% (male), 30% (Female), but non-Muslim 12% (male), 17.65% (Female). In Vocational training Muslims are ahead than Non-muslim. Muslim 56.41% in this training & Non-Muslim only 11.9%.
Birbhum: Illiteracy of this district Muslim & Non-Muslim in same row in Primary level. Muslim Illiteracy 28.44% (male), 42.03 (female) and Non-Muslim 28.95% (Male), 39.84% (female). In primary level Muslim 23.02& (male), 22.24 (female)and Non-Muslim are lower, 19.37% (male), 20.08% (female). Also same in higher secondary, Muslim 3.33% (male), 0.77% (female), but Non-Muslim 2.98% (male), 0.96% (female). Dropout rate upto primary for Muslim 52.08% (male), 26.67% (female) and Non-Muslim 50% (male), 35.71% (female).
Nadia: Illiteracy among Muslim households that stands at 43.94% for the male and 45.48% for the female. the percentage of below primary educated male is 22.65 and female 21.56 and the percentage steadily dwindles as one goes higher up till the secondary level (Male 3.06% and Female 1.53%). The situation is not appreciably better for non-Muslim households, below primary 22.14% (male), 22.06% (female).where literacy level is certainly higher, but secondary school going percentage for male is 6.88 and female, 4.06. Dropout rate of Muslim higher than Non-muslim. Upto primary Muslim 36.17% (male), 27.27% (female) and non-muslim 20% (male), 21.74% (female). Upto class eight Muslim female dropout rate too high. Muslim 87.23% (male), 95.45 (feale). But for Non-Muslim 82.5% (male), 43.48% (female).
Haorah: Illiteracy among Muslim households that stands at 17.29% for the male and 22.76% for the female. percentage of primary educated male is 32.07 and female 29.74 and the percentage secondary level Male 1.39% and Female 1.18%, higher secondary ;level is too poor 1.39% (male), 1.18% (female). Non-Muslim household behind the Muslim. Though illiteracy rate lower (10.67% male, 16.5% female), but in primary 20.77% (male), 18.51% (female) and higher secondary level 12.85% (male), 5.53% (female). Dropout rate of Muslim too high upto primary level 48.89% (male), 29.41% (female). But for Non-Muslim 24% (male), 35.71% (female). Upto class eight Muslim dropout rate 91.11% (male), 79.41% (female). But non-muslim 80% (male), 85.71% (female).
Cooch Behar: Illiteracy among Muslim households that stands at 42.82% for the male and 42.27% for the female. Non-Muslim 27.21% (male), 35.84% (female). Below primary educated of Muslim male is 20.43 and female 23.03. Non-Muslim 22.04% (male), 20.38% (female). Dropout rate upto primary of Muslim 27.27% (male), 14.29% (female) and Non-Muslim 21.05% (male), 27.27 (female).
Bardhaman: Illiteracy of Muslim percentage 25.75% (male), 37.20% (female) and Non-Muslim 21.78% (male), 34.29% (female). Below primary Muslims percentage higher than Non-Muslim. Muslim 26.54% (male), 24.73% (female), but Non-Muslim 21.48% (male), 21.06% (female). Dropout rate upto primary Muslim percentage lower than Non-Muslim. Muslim 36.67% (male), 33.33% (female) and Non-Muslim 38.46% (male), 31.03% (female).